Like the Bolsheviks in the 1950s, says the academic about pro-Palestinian rhetoric

Middle East expert Irena Kalhousová came under pressure. The anonymous group Academics Against Apartheid criticizes her for the way she talks about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Is a wave of pro-Palestinian sentiment reaching Czech universities as well?

Guest I’m asking Irena Kalhousová is the director of the Herzl Center for Israeli Studies at Charles University.

The leading Czech expert on the Middle East, Irena Kalhousová, has become the target of criticism from the anonymous activist group Academics Against Apartheid. She published her demands on the leadership of Charles University (UK) on social networks. She demanded, among other things, the termination of cooperation with Israeli universities, a greater number of “lectures on Zionism” or the consideration of Kalhousová’s continued tenure at the faculty.

“Charles University must reconsider the employment of people like Dr. Irena Kalhousová, who, although they claim to be impartial experts, parrot racist Zionist rhetoric in their teaching,” the group wrote in its statement, which was highlighted by the Echo24 website. The management of the university immediately defended the expert, rejecting the accusation as meaningless and factually unfounded.

The school has already condemned the form of protest action in support of Palestine, which the aforementioned activists organized directly on the grounds of the Faculty of Humanities of the UK last Thursday. The unannounced protest was monitored by the police, according to whom there was no violation of the law. While in the Czech Republic, similar events are still rather rare, for example, pro-Palestinian protests have been sweeping through American universities for several weeks. And despite the clashes and arrests of protesters, they are still not quiet.

What are the protesting students about? And what further developments can be expected in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

You can play the entire interview in an audio player, in your favorite podcast app or in a video.

What was said in the conversation?

1:00 AM Were you surprised by the criticism that appeared quite suddenly on the anonymous account of the Academics Against Apartheid group? – It surprised me a little, because I follow what is happening at universities in the United States. And I didn’t notice that they were sometimes addressed to teachers who don’t like the protesters. So in that sense, I think it’s really very unusual in some ways.

1:30 am The fact that it’s anonymous shows that those people – or maybe it’s one person, we don’t even know which group it is – are actually taking over exactly the same narratives from those American campuses that don’t fit into the Czech environment at all, for example encouraging Charles University to stop investing in companies involved in the war in Gaza. That’s so funny for a public institution.

2:30 Racist-Zionist rhetoric, that’s what they credit you with. – Well, I have to say that I thought it was a bit hurtful. Because there is an awful lot of it, it actually says that Zionism is a racist ideology, which really takes us back to the Cold War era. We are going back to the time when the UN, with the help of communist states and Arab states, passed a resolution stating that Zionism equals racism. This resolution was later revoked. But it actually reminds me a little bit of communist rhetoric, and it’s not a coincidence. They often think that they are coming up with something original when they start calling Jews Zionists, but it is something that the communist bloc experienced in the 1950s.

4:00 a.m The fact that they refuse to sign it actually means that there is no need to talk to them at all. And I wouldn’t even react to it on my own, because this anonymous report takes us back to the time of totalitarian regimes.

5:00 The university, your colleagues and the professional public have clearly stood up for you. Do you notice voices being defined among the students in the lectures? Anyone questioning the lecture narrative? – If they didn’t question it, I wouldn’t enjoy it. I have been at Charles University for four years, dozens, if not hundreds, of students have passed through my hands, and the debates are ongoing. Because I’m just teaching a subject that’s sensitive. (…) There are some limits, I have to say: Look, the discussion will not go in this direction. But, of course, there is a lot of talking during those lessons, because I like to teach in a way that students discuss with each other and we discuss together.

7:00 From your point of view, what is the atmosphere on the university grounds with regard to this topic, does it influence the events? – It influences, but much less than in some American and European universities. And I’m actually very happy for that. I am very glad that it is even possible to teach about these things here. What I am experiencing, I think that many other teachers before me have experienced in those Western universities. And their reaction was that they either stopped teaching the courses or stopped offering the programs at all, because why bother? And it’s terribly sad.

8:00 a.m I don’t want to be discouraged. I enjoy teaching. It is very important to teach it. If the conflict needs something, it is precisely the people who will know something about the conflict.

11:00 a.m Pro-Palestinian votes are not a problem at all. The problem is when it’s tendencies that are really totalitarian, that means it won’t be possible to discuss the matter pluralistically. – And this is what you already see in those Western universities? – In many subjects, yes. Critical theories are one thing, postcolonialism is one thing, that belongs in academic debate. But it must not dominate, it must not happen that any other approaches, views on the matter are really pushed out and are labeled as racist and unacceptable.

14:00 I hope it doesn’t happen here. And I think it won’t happen because, after all, my generation, let’s say, those in their forties, who are in those important positions at universities, remembers communism. We are able to sense a certain totalitarian breath that is sometimes behind it.

18:00 People often project their own ideas into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In the Czech Republic, we tend to support Israel. We have a historical explanation for this, also the fact that communist Czechoslovakia was very strongly anti-Zionist. And that turned around after 1989. So the debate is much more pro-Israel than anywhere else. Of course, it is developing and it is good, because it is really a plurality of opinions. And now it will also depend a lot on how it will develop further.

23:00 How important is the announced Israeli invasion of Rafah in the conflict? – This is the critical point that may begin the end of that military operation. What is happening regarding the negotiations is rather unclear, as at first there were reports that Hamas was still hesitating. Now we have information that Hamas was supposed to agree to the offer, with some additions or some minor changes, that there is actually a discussion about the details, but from the Israeli point of view, relatively fundamental details.

25:00 When you say that we are at a critical moment, will we see a solution to the conflict? – Israel feels enormous pressure. On the other side are the Palestinians. We saw pictures from Gaza, when people were supposed to know that Hamas had agreed to a cease-fire, people were celebrating there. Their situation is very tragic and will not improve without a ceasefire.

25:30 It needs to be said that Hamas is not destroyed, it is still holding Israeli hostages, and that is also a factor that needs to be taken into account. Because if Hamas sticks out its horns and regains control of Gaza in a few months, it won’t be good. And it won’t be good for Gazans in particular.

26:00 Benjamin Netanyahu has no plan for Gaza. That Israel is winning battles but not winning the war is because Benjamin Netanyahu does not have a political plan for Gaza that is workable. That’s the main problem. Israel has military capabilities, but the military and military strategy cannot replace political initiative.

I am asking, Marie Bastlová